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These changes in family patterns have taken place alongside rapid growth in To the extent that such “familism” remains alive among U.S. Hispanics, one would the dominant population reduces social boundaries and eventually leads to a . Since Latin American immigrants have higher fertility and tend to bear their. When the First World War broke out in Europe, Latin Americans of all entry of some Latin American countries into the group of belligerents and However, the distant hinterland was integrated to a lesser extent into the world market. .. The boundaries between the civil, economic and military sphere in. North America and South America are named after Italian navigator Plains, to the U.S.-Mexico border, coincided with the extent of Plains Indian communities. Yet Barrio Chino counts 3, families of Chinese heritage within its boundaries. affected the relationships between North American countries.
Exogamous marriages represent 16 percent — 84 of all marriages among Mexican American women; in such marriages, 78 percent The generational pattern with respect to marriages between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites is also important.
In each Hispanic subgroup, the percentage of women with a non-Hispanic white husband rises dramatically across generations.
The second most common type of exogamous marriage involves Hispanic spouses from dissimilar national origins. Marriages with Hispanic but not coethnic husbands constitute 15 percent 2. Table also presents information on cohabiting unions. With few exceptions, the overall level of ethnic endogamy is lower for cohabiting unions than for formal marriages. Among Mexican Americans, for example, 74 percent of all cohabiting unions are endogamous, compared with 84 percent of marriages.
In particular, exogamous cohabiting unions are generally less likely to involve a non-Hispanic white partner and more likely to involve a Hispanic partner or a black partner than are exogamous marriages. The figures for black partners are especially striking. Among Mexican American women, for example, about 4 percent. Similarly, among Puerto Ricans, 11 percent 4. Due to sample size limitations, the full array of generational differences in endogamy in cohabiting unions can be presented only for Mexican Americans.
Among Mexican Americans, the generational pattern of endogamy is similar to, albeit stronger than, that observed for marriages—declining percentages in endogamous unions across generations. In addition, exogamous unions involving Mexican American women and non-Hispanic white partners become more common in each successive generation.
This is also the case for unions with non-Hispanic black partners, but the overall percentage of unions with non-Hispanic blacks is small. Interethnic unions are of interest in their own right, but their consequences for ethnic boundaries are greatest when they produce children. We have seen that mixed unions among Hispanic women most commonly involve a non-Hispanic white partner.
Because such unions both signal and facilitate assimilation into mainstream white society, their offspring are likely to identify less strongly with their Hispanic national origins than children with two coethnic parents. Although numerous factors affect the size and composition of Hispanic groups e.
In Tablewe expand our analysis by examining interethnic mating among parents of children born inusing data from the Detail Natality File. As was the case in the previous table on union patterns, we organize the data by the mother's ethnicity and generation. However, due to the limited information collected on the birth certificate, we are able to distinguish only between foreign-born mothers and native-born mothers.
For mothers in each Hispanic subgroup, the percentages of births in which the father is coethnic, from a different Hispanic group, non-Hispanic white, and non-Hispanic black are shown.
These percentages are based on cases in which the father's race and ethnicity are known; however, since missing information on fathers is problematic in birth certificate data, we also show the percentage of cases in each group with missing information on the father's ethnicity.
Focusing first on all births, there are substantial differences in intermating patterns by Hispanic ethnicity and generation. As was the case in our analysis of marital and cohabiting unions, the level of ethnic endogamy is higher among Mexican Americans than for other Hispanic groups. Moreover, for all groups except Mexican Americans, coethnicity of parents is considerably lower than coethnicity of married or cohabiting partners.
For example, among Puerto Ricans, 62 percent of married partners and 58 percent of cohabiting partners have similar Hispanic origins; however, only 52 percent of births can be attributed to coethnic parents. The most striking pattern shown in the table, however, is that for generation: The percentages of children born to coethnic parents for foreign-born and native-born mothers, respectively, are 93 and 74 for Mexicans, 61 and 47 for Puerto Ricans, 70 and 38 for Cubans, 68 and 34 for Central American and South American mothers, and 68 and 46 for other Hispanic mothers.
Exogamous unions producing children are highly likely to be with Hispanic fathers from other national-origin groups or with non-Hispanic white fathers, with one exception.
Mexican-origin women are considerably more likely to bear a child with a non-Hispanic white partner than with a non-Mexican Hispanic partner. When births are broken down by the marital status of the mother, several important differences in ethnic mixing are evident.
First, considerably fewer births to unmarried Hispanic mothers involve partnerships with non-Hispanic white males than is the case for births to married Hispanic mothers. Second, births outside marriage are more likely to involve a non-Hispanic black father than births within marriage.
For example, about 8 percent of infants of unmarried Puerto Rican mothers had non-Hispanic white fathers, compared with 24 percent of infants of married Puerto Rican mothers. Children born to unmarried Puerto Rican women were much more likely to have a black father 15 percent than children born to married Puerto Rican women 8 percent. This pattern is similar across all Hispanic groups.
Given the relatively high propensity of non-Hispanic whites to bear children within marriage and the relatively high propensity of non-Hispanic blacks to bear children outside marriage, these patterns appear to reflect the preferences and circumstances of fathers.
In summary, several broad conclusions can be drawn from our analyses of ethnic mixing.Top 10 Latin American Countries to Visit
First, there are substantial differences across Hispanic groups in the level of ethnic endogamy in marriages, cohabiting unions, and parenthood. The most significant differences are those between Mexican Americans and all other groups: Second, in all Hispanic groups, there are marked declines in ethnic endogamy in marriage, cohabitation, and parenthood across generations.
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This is consistent with a large body of research that shows that intermarriage is a sensitive indicator of assimilation. Finally, the most provocative findings emerge from a comparison of results for marriage, cohabitation, and parenthood. In marriage, there is a higher level of ethnic endogamy than in cohabitation and parenthood. Moreover, among exogamous unions, matches with non-Hispanic white partners are more common in marriage than in cohabitation or parenthood.
Unions among partners from different Hispanic origins or between Hispanics and non-Hispanic blacks are considerably more evident in cohabitation and parenthood than they are in marriage. In particular, unions between Hispanics and non-Hispanic blacks are prominent in parenthood, especially nonmarital births.
Hispanics consistently emphasize their relatively high level of familism and links between familism and traditional family patterns in Latin American—and Caribbean-origin countries.
Familism is typically regarded as a multidimensional concept that reflects both values and behaviors that emphasize the needs of the family over the needs of individuals Vega, Key questions for understanding family life among Hispanics are 1 whether familistic values and behaviors are more prominent among Hispanics than among other racial and ethnic groups and 2 whether familism wanes with exposure to the U.
Evaluations of Hispanic familism, however, are complicated by the fact that family behavior is not shaped solely by normative orientations and values; it is also strongly influenced by socioeconomic position and the structure of economic opportunities in the broader society. Thus, contemporary scholars generally argue that Hispanic family patterns can best be understood within a social adaptation framework, which stresses the interplay between familistic values and the circumstances experienced by Hispanics in their everyday lives.
Because the data presented in this chapter are descriptive, we cannot evaluate the relative importance of the aforementioned factors in shaping family behavior among Hispanics. Several patterns are consistent with the idea that Hispanics are family oriented, relative to non-Hispanics.
First, with the exception of Cubans, Hispanics have higher fertility than non-Hispanics. Childbearing also begins earlier in Hispanic women's lives than it does for non-Hispanic white women. Second, Hispanics are more likely to live in family households than are non-Hispanic whites and blacks. Third, the family households of Hispanics are slightly larger and much more likely to be extended than those of non-Hispanic whites.
At the same time, the figures for family structure and children's living arrangements show that traditional two-parent families are not more common among Hispanics than non-Hispanic whites. In fact, female family headship and one-parent living arrangements for children are considerably more prevalent among Hispanics than non-Hispanic whites, although less prevalent than among non-Hispanic blacks.
A related issue is whether familism declines as Hispanic groups spend more time in the United States. Although comparisons across generations using cross-sectional data must be used cautiously to address this question, 20 our analysis of structural measures of familism shows some support for the declining familism thesis.
The support is strongest for the Mexican-origin population. On every indicator, the second and third or higher generations exhibit less traditional family behavior than the first generation.
For instance, in 15 percent of households headed by a first-generation Mexican, the householder is a female with no partner present, compared with 23 percent of households headed by a second- or third or higher -generation Mexican. The implications of these differences are particularly striking for children: A similar but somewhat weaker pattern of declining familism across generations is shown for Puerto Ricans, but the evidence is considerably more mixed for the other Hispanic subgroups.
A limitation of this study is that we have only examined the structural dimension of familism. This is due, in part, to the absence of national-level databases that include both information on other dimensions of familism and sufficient numbers of the various Hispanic subgroups to allow for analysis. Future research on attitudinal and behavioral aspects of familism is needed, given the unevenness of conclusions that can be drawn from the existing literature and data.
For example, perhaps the best general-purpose survey for describing the attitudinal and behavioral dimensions of familism is the National Survey of Families and Households NSFH.
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This survey includes numerous questions that tap normative beliefs about the obligations of parents to support their adult children and the obligations of adult children to support aging parents. It suggests that members of Hispanic groups are more likely than non-Hispanic whites to recognize both parental and filial obligations results available upon requestalthough the difference may be due in part to nativity differences between groups and the tendency of the foreign-born to value parental and filial duties.
Indeed, Hispanics are more likely than non-Hispanic whites to say they would rely on their children or their parents for emergency help, for a loan, or advice Kim and McKenry, These findings are consistent with research based on other data sets, which show that Hispanic adolescents, irrespective of nativity, more strongly respect their parents and feel more obligated to provide their parents with support in the future than non-Hispanic whites Fuligni, Tseng, and Lam, A concise summary of this literature is complicated by the fact that there is little consistency across studies in research methodology.
For example, only some studies disaggregate Hispanics by national origin and generational status, and many studies are restricted to particular stages of the life course e. In addition, there are inconsistencies in the types of support examined as well as whether information is provided on the direction of exchanges i.
Nonetheless, whether one focuses on Hispanics as a generic category or specific subgroups such as Mexican Americans, there is some indication that Hispanics tend to socialize more frequently with relatives than others Kim and McKenry, As for giving and receiving support within families, the NSFH suggests that ethnic differences are either trivial or various Hispanic groups tend to participate in fewer exchanges than others.
This may be due, in part, to the role of migration in separating family members Hogan et al. More systematic attention to differences in family relations and exchanges by national origin and generation is needed before firm conclusions about these issues can be drawn.
The future size and composition of the Hispanic population will be shaped by the processes that constitute the well-known demographic balancing equation: High rates of immigration and relatively high fertility will continue to fuel the rapid growth of the Hispanic population.
While these factors are fundamental, there are additional complications in the situation of Hispanics that are not taken into account in population projections based on the balancing equation.
Specifically, the equation assumes that there is no intermarriage and that the racial and ethnic identities of children are identical to those of their mothers National Research Council, As we have seen, the assumption of full ethnic endogamy is untenable, as is the premise of fixed identities across generations.
Recent changes in family formation behavior and the complexities of ethnic mixing will play significant roles in the future size and composition of Hispanic subgroups.
Hispanics have shared in the trend toward cohabitation and nonmarital childbearing that has characterized the general U. Currently, more than 40 percent of births to Hispanic mothers take place outside marriage National Center for Health Statistics,and roughly half of those births are to cohabiting couples Bumpass and Lu, Our analysis shows that ethnic exogamy is common in marriage and in marital births among Hispanics—but exogamy is even more prominent in cohabiting unions and in nonmarital childbearing.
Thus, recent shifts in the union context of childbearing are linked to growth in the population of children with mixed ethnic backgrounds and to a blurring of boundaries between specific Hispanic subgroups and both other Hispanic subgroups and non-Hispanics. Importantly, there are differences between Hispanic subgroups and within Hispanic subgroups by generational status in the extent of ethnic mixing.
The most consequential differences are those between the Mexican-origin population and all other Hispanic groups. Relative to the other Hispanic subgroups, the Mexican-origin population exhibits much higher levels of ethnic endogamy in marriage, cohabitation, and parenthood. Moreover, while ethnic endogamy in parenthood is lower for native-born mothers than for foreign-born mothers in each Hispanic group, the level of endogamy among native-born Mexican mothers exceeds that for foreign-born mothers in the other groups.
In the larger, eastern portion are found a number of stable shields forming highland regions, separated by large basins including the vast Amazon basin. The western portion is occupied almost entirely by the Andes Mountains.
The Andes—formed as the South American Plate drifted westward and forced the oceanic plate to the west under it—constitute a gigantic backbone along the entire Pacific coast of the continent. No other continent—except Antarctica—penetrates so far to the south. Although the northern part of South America extends north of the Equator and four-fifths of its landmass is located within the tropics, it also reaches subantarctic latitudes.
Much of the high Andes lie within the tropics but include extensive zones of temperate or cold climate in the vicinity of the Equator —a circumstance that is unique. The great range in elevation produces an unrivaled diversity of climatic and ecological zones, which is probably the most prominent characteristic of South American geography. The original inhabitants of South America are believed to have descended from the same Asiatic peoples who migrated to North America from Siberia during the most recent Wisconsin ice age.
Few of these peoples, however, survived the arrival of Europeans aftermost succumbing to disease or mixing with people of European and especially in Brazil African origin. Some parts of the continent are now industrialized, with modern cities, but the people in rural areas still follow an agricultural way of life.
The wealth of mineral products and renewable resources is considerable, yet economic development in most of the continent lags behind the more industrially advanced regions of the world.
Nonetheless, concern has arisen about the rapidly increasing and often destructive exploitation of these resources.
For discussion of individual countries of the continent, see specific articles by name—e.